6.6 Society after
extinction of Buddhism
The
Indo-Aryan society of Vedic era was divided broadly in four Varnas which
basically represented the occupational affiliation of its populations. However
when Vedic era ended and the Brahmanism started flourishing, the first three Varnas
increasingly became synonymous with those populations who followed the concept
of Brahmanism. Shudra Varna started becoming synonymous with those populations
who followed anti-Brahmanic faiths and also included population of all other human
races or groups. In between the two, there were populations who were termed as
Vratyas. These were the populations of Indo-Aryan society who followed Buddhism,
Jainism, Shaivism and many other cults without abandoning their Brahmanic rituals
completely. Between 7th and 13th centuries AD, when
Buddhism as a faith was getting extinct because of various socio-political
conditions and Hinduism was evolving as a fusion of all orthodox cults,
followers of the former took refuge in the broader Hindu society. The merger
process, however, never resulted in homogeneous society and the differences
remained between the orthodox class of Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and their
Buddhist or Jainist Vratya counterparts. Therefore in the medieval period, when
contemporary Hinduism was taking its shape, all orthodox or priestly Brahmins
irrespective of their race, location and cult formed mainstream Brahmin class
across northern-India. The Vratyas or non-priestly Brahmins got secondary
status in society. However in both groups, the individual clans maintained
distance with the others based on the spiritual sect, region they belonged and
physical attributes which basically represented the different human races their
ancestors came from i.e. broadly Indo-Aryan, Dravidian and Mongoloid. On
population front, both groups of Brahmins could have contributed equally in the
states of Bihar and Maharashtra. In the states of Bengal and Orissa of the eastern
India, which for prolonged period remained a Buddhist center, the Vratya
Brahmins could have formed large population of the Brahmin class with priestly
Brahmins forming a minor population but occupying greater social status than the
former one. The situation in southern India was however different and the
process resulted in the formation of three classes of Brahmins – the orthodox
Brahmins worshipping Vishnu, the orthodox Brahmins worshipping Shiva and the
non-priestly Brahmins who again represented the Vratyas. The difference between
north and south Indian Brahmin society has its origin in the period of Guptas
when complete assimilation of the Shaivite priestly classes took place with the
Vaishnava priestly classes across northern India. As south India was outside
the dominion of the Guptas, the Vaishnava priestly populations, majorly originating
from the Indo-Aryan group of humans, continued to maintain a distance with the Shaiva
priestly populations, majorly originating from the Dravidian race of humans.
In
Kshatriya populations, similar to Buddhist Brahmins, few who never left their Brahmanic
rituals completely even after adopting Buddhism, retained their Vratya Kshatriya
status in view of orthodox Brahmins after the extinction of Buddhism. This is
evident from the example of Gupta King Samudragupta who ruled from 335-375 AD and
proudly referred himself as Lichchhavidauhitra
(son of a Lichchhavi clan’s daughter). It must be noted that the Lichchhavis were
known to patronize Buddhism and Jainism. As per the commentary of Buddhaghosa in Sumangala-Vilasani, the
tribe never left their old Brahmanic faith completely. As a result, Manu
referred them as Vratya Kshatriya in the Manusmiriti. Clearly the Gupta kings never
considered the Vratya Lichchhavis as lower in social hierarchy when Brahmanism
was reviving under their patronage. It can be therefore said that many of the
Vratya Kshatriyas who patronized both Buddhism and Brahmanism simultaneously,
could have formed certain communities in the contemporary Hinduism who had an ambiguous
position in the caste hierarchy with no social relations with the Brahmanic
Kshatriyas / Rajputs. However, most Buddhist Kshatriyas who abandoned their Brahmanic
rituals completely for a prolonged period were tagged to Shudra Varna by the orthodox
Brahmins. This way after the extinction of Buddhism, the entire political class
of Indo-Aryan dominated society was divided into three categories – mainstream
Rajputs/Kshatriyas, Vratya Kshatriyas placed below Rajputs and the fully
degraded one as part of Shudras. Though religiously degraded to the level of
Shudras, still most of them maintained their dominance over society in the regions
where the orthodox Brahmin supporting Kshatriya or Rajput population was
negligible. It thus seeded the birth of economically sound castes / communities
in Shudra Varna in those regions and the scenario could have widely prevailed
in regions like Bihar, Bengal, Orissa, Maharashtra and Gujarat. In southern and
eastern India, as most of the political class had their origin from the Dravidian
and Mongoloid group of humans except few migrated Indo-Aryans and also followed
anti-Brahmanic cults, they were placed in Shudra Varna only. Similar to
Kshatriyas, was the case of Vaishyas across India. As there was strong punishment
advocated for all the three mainstream castes on violation of any Brahmanic rules
which even included involving in any laborious activity, few among them could
have seen their degradation to the level of Vratyas and even to the level of the
Shudras and outcastes from the period of the Guptas till British India. We,
therefore, are not surprised to find myth prevalent in certain communities in
northern India that how they were degraded from the rank of orthodox Brahmin or
Kshatriya when one of their ancestors used farming tool in the field due to
some emergency situation. It must be noted that in Brahmanism, agricultural
activity has been classified under Shudra activity.
Although
many orthodox Brahmins could have helped to merge the Buddhist population in the
contemporary Hinduism, still a large section of them could have been very
hostile towards the latter. The Vratyas of Brahmin, Kshatriya and Vaishya class
residing in the regions of Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar could have faced more
humiliation from the hand of orthodox than their counterparts living in the eastern
and southern India. This is because the former places saw a strong upsurge of
Brahmanism and remained the epicenter of that from the period of the Guptas
till modern era. The Vratyas of Brahmin class, who left their priestly
activities for a prolonged period under the influence of Buddhism, never got
their priestly rights again. Similarly, the Vratya Kshatriyas faced degradation
in their socio-religious position. However for Kshatriyas, tagged as Shudras,
the situation was worse. Being classified under the Shudra category, the orthodox
Brahmins refused to carry their Brahmanic rituals according to Kshatriya
tradition and that included the sacred thread and coronation ceremony. The very
hostile approach of orthodox Brahmins toward shudra classified Kshatriyas is
preserved in the history of 17th century Maharashtra. The event belongs
to none other than the great Maratha King Shivaji who founded the Maratha
Empire by fighting with Mughal Empire when most Rajputs/Kshatriyas of northern
India accepted the subordination of the Mughals. The entire event goes like
this -
The
discussion on the coronation of the Maratha leader Shivaji Bhonsle was started
in 1673 AD. However, the process got stuck as orthodox Brahmins refused to
accept him as Kshatriya and hence his rights to proceed with the coronation.
They argued with the help of shashtras
that only Kshatriya could be coronated and the Bhonsles are Shudras. Shivaji then
showed his lineage from the Sisodia Rajputs of Mewar. But orthodox Brahmins
maintained their position saying that the Kshatriya culture had vanished from
their families. Shivaji was not ready to accept this. He sent a delegation of
Brahmins under the leadership of Brahmin Balaji Aabaji to the centers of
Kshatriya customs, like Udaypur in Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh, to draw a
public opinion in his favor that the Kshatriyas still existed. Balaji Aabaji
was a progressive Brahmin and opposed to the orthodoxy and superstitions spread
in society. During their visit, they met Bhatt Brahmin family in Kashi who
originally hailed from the Paithan of
Maharashtra. One of the members of this family was Bishweshwar Bhatt (Gaga
Bhatt) who was a great scholar of his time and stood against orthodoxy. He
wrote several books and the contents were considered authentic looking at his vast
knowledge about Vedas, Smirtis and politics. Gaga Bhatt issued a certificate
stating that Shivaji is a descendant of the Sisodiya Rajput family (the clan of
Maharana Pratap) and therefore his coronation is in accordance with shashtras. He also held meetings with the
Brahmins opposing Shivaji’s coronation. He persuaded them to agree on the Kshatriya
lineage of Shivaji and in this process Balaji Aabaji supported him. Some
orthodox Brahmins got convinced. Shivaji was then first purified with holy
waters followed by putting on a sacred thread around the shoulders on 29th
May 1674. Before this, Shivaji was not wearing the sacred thread, a must for dwija castes and identification of a
person belonging to the upper three Varnas. After the thread ceremony, Shivaji
said: ‘Now I have become an upper caste. All upper castes have the right to
Vedas. The Vedic mantras should be chanted in all my rituals.’ At this, all
Marathi orthodox Brahmins got enraged and declared that the Kshatriya caste is
extinct in Kaliyuga. Now there is no
upper caste other than the Brahmins. Gaga Bhatt understanding the gravity of the
situation quickly completed the rituals without opposing them. In the next few
days, Shivaji’s marriage ceremonies with his queens were done again according
to the Kshatriya and Brahmanic rituals. The coronation was finally done on 6th
June 1674.
The
entire coronation episode clearly brings out the hostility of most orthodox
Brahmins towards shudra classified warrior populations. It can be easily
imagined that if a great King had to struggle to this extent in claiming
Kshatriya status for his coronation then what could have been the position of
normal Maratha people in view of the orthodox Brahmins? The answer of Brahmins
to Shivaji about the extinction of Kshatriyas in Kaliyuga only strengthens the
point that the Kshatriyas of Maharashtra were considered Shudras due to
non-compliance of various Brahmanic duties from unknown time. Resistance to
Shivaji’s coronation, the presence of lots of Buddhist caves and presence of
only two significant Varnas namely Brahmin and Shudra in Maharashtra (captured
in 1931 census) support the earlier point that how Buddhist Kshatriyas of the
region were considered Shudras after they merged with the contemporary Hinduism.
Did Gaga Bhatt’s certificate increase Shivaji’s or Maratha’s acceptability as
Kshatriya in Rajputanas of northern India? The answer is still negative. Except
some, most Rajput clans refused to enter into social alliances with any Maratha
clans who claimed the Kshatriya status (the 96 kula) after Shivaji episode. It must be noted that by doing his
coronation according to the Kshatriya tradition, Shivaji took a socially revolutionary
step and in the process offended the orthodox Brahmins. It cannot be,
therefore, ruled out that his future generations must have paid a heavy price
for the same.
After
the extinction of Buddhism, the Varna system of the Hindu society primarily represented
the followers or non-followers of Brahmanism and no longer represented only the
occupational affiliation of a given population or the human races from which
they originated. The same has been clearly captured in the caste based census
of British India. In the census data, the distribution of different Varna
populations across India reflects the same trend which is visible in the Vedic
literature. In the census, the regions which had large Dravidian, Mongoloid
and Negroid population and followed anti-Vedic faiths such as Buddhism, Jainism
and other aboriginal cults, show a higher Shudra Varna population that also
included despised and out-caste populations. On the other side, the epicenter
of Brahmanism and the settlement of Indo-Aryans i.e. Uttar Pradesh and
Rajasthan recorded the highest upper caste (Brahmin, Kshatriya & Vaishya)
population across India. The percentage upper caste population recorded decreasing
trend when moved into eastern and southern direction from these regions, refer Figure 6.6.1 and Table 6.6.1.
It must be noted that the Brahmin class and Brahmanic literature were used by the
Britishers to decide the caste of a particular family or community in the census.
As Britishers used the Brahmanic religious literature for classification of the
entire human population residing in the subcontinent, going by the same even
Britishers (or to that extent entire population of the world) could have been classified
as mlechhas; a very frequent word
used for the foreign tribes in Brahmanic literature with social position given
below or equal to Shudras.
Figure 6.6.1 - Upper caste population as per Indian Census of 1931.
Table 6.6.1 - The upper caste population of Indo-Aryan dominated regions
In
the entire mapping of human population on the Varna ladder, some communities
falling under the Vartya category were clearly captured by the census process.
In Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, the census recorded a significant population of Tyagi
Brahmins (Taga) and Bhumihar Brahmins who have a lower status in the caste
hierarchy than the priestly Brahmins. It is well known that both were denied to
call them Brahmins for prolonged period indicating the hostility of orthodox
Brahmins towards them. The point here is that if this vast region has
population having sub-ordinate Brahmin status, then it should also have population
having sub-ordinate Kshatriya status. As Rajput and Brahmin population were
recorded nearly same in Bihar, it can be said that the population of Vratya
Kshatriyas was nearly same as that of Bhumihar Brahmins. In Maharashtra, which
too was a Buddhist center just like Bihar, a very faint population of the Kshatriyas
was recorded and their percentage was even lower than the Vaishyas. This land
also has a population of Chitpavan and some other communities who claim Brahmin
status, recorded as Brahmins in the census but had sub-ordinate status than the
priestly Brahmins. Here again, it can be said that the land of Maharashtra
should have a Vratrya class of Kshatriyas and in best estimates they could be
making 3-4% of the population of Maharashtra similar to Brahmins. However in
both states, such Kshatriya population was not captured indicating that they
were placed in Shudra class. It should be further noted that the shudra category
in Maharashtra was dominated by Maratha-Kunbis and the allied castes that made
31.1% of the entire population. The ethnographic literatures describe Marathas,
spread over Maharashtra and Konkan, as a heterogeneous category consisting of the
Marathas proper who formed an upper caste, the Maratha Kunbis who were
cultivators and other Maratha occupational castes. The first section consists
of three divisions, the pure one (asal or
Kuli), the illegitimate ones (denkhawala,
the Kharachi) and the mixed Marathas.
The asal Marathas did not practice
widow marriage, claimed Kshatriya rank, were inscribed to legendary 96 kuls and formed the social base for
Maratha Raj [6]. Today
almost all Marathas claim Kshatriya origin, however, it is worth to point out
that not all can be of Kshatriya origin as they constitute nearly 31% of total
Marathi Hindu demographics in Maharashtra and such a large percentage
population can not belong to the ruler or warrior class. The clubbing of such
large population under Maratha category only indicates that in view of orthodox
Brahmins, the society of Maharashtra had faint boundaries between its ruler
Kshatriya class (the land owners) and the land laborers or the other
occupational populations. On the eastern side, the states of Bengal and Orissa have
a majority population originating from the interbreeding of Dravidian and
Mongoloid races of humans and therefore non-Aryans. Both states recorded only
two Varna populations – Brahmins and Shudras. In Bengal, the Shudra population
was further divided into four categories – Sat-Shudra, Jalacharaniya-Shudras,
Jalabyababharya-Shudras and Asprishya-Shudras. Brahmins took water from the first
two sub-groups while did not take from the third group. The last one formed the
lowest in the social pyramid whose touch was considered sufficient to impure the
water of the Ganges. The political elite class of Kayastha belonged to Sat-Shudra
category [7]. Even though the Sat-shudras occupied superior
position amongst Shudras still their socio-religious position was not good in
the society of Bengal. It can be seen from the example of Swami Vivekananda, a
Kayastha by birth. Swami was manhandled near the Dakineshwar temple for the
reason that why a Shudra became monk which according to the scriptures, does
not have such rights [8]. It must be noted that Kayastha is a group of record keepers who came into
existence in medieval period and the population came into this profession from
different castes of society [9]. Going south, where the majority population belonged to the Dravidian race of
humans, the upper caste population was recorded around 4-5%. The upper castes
consisted of majority Brahmins with a minuscule population of Kshatriyas and
Vaishyas. In eastern and southern India, like northern India, the orthodox
priestly populations of all races and cults were recorded as Brahmin only. Overall
after the extinction of Buddhism, the northern India emerged as an example of the
four ladder Varna system while the eastern and southern India emerged as an example
of the two ladder Varna system. During the peak of Brahmanism, every powerful
community created fanciful stories about their origin with the help of orthodox
Brahmins. The stories were created in such a way that it traced their origin
directly to early Vedic society with no Buddhist (or Jain) trace. The process
happened in most human groups irrespective of whether they lived in the north
or south, followed the orthodox or heterodox cults, belonged to the Kshatriya
or Brahmin clans and originated from the Indo-Aryan or Dravidian or Mongoloid
races of humans. Interestingly most populations having the sub-ordinate status
than the priestly Brahmins and Rajput / Kshatriyas, traced their origin from the
events associated with the mythical Brahmin figure Parashurama. Going through the
socio-historical development, it can be said that most of these legends justifying
the sub-ordinate status of a particular human group had been created in the medieval
period to erase one’s Buddhist or Jain linkage and thus getting the Brahmanical
holiness. Many of these legends were recorded in the early census and the Britishers
were amused after knowing them. Today, Shudra populations are generally
confused with only outcastes and the other despised castes. In Independent
India, the Shudra class is broadly divided into backward castes and out-castes. Backward castes are further divided
broadly into two groups- forward castes (part of open / general category) and
other backward castes (OBC). Forward castes basically represent the socially dominant
population of a particular region, who were considered and positioned as
Shudras in society and census by orthodox Brahmins. These forward castes are
mostly found in Gujarat, Maharashtra, Orissa, Bengal and South India. The Kayasthas
of Bengal and Orissa, the Patels of Gujarat and the Marathas of Maharashtra are
typical examples of the forward castes amongst Shudras. The forward castes were
denied reservation in government job and education like upper caste populations
and their Vratya counterparts. The classification of forward castes in open / general
category had led to a broader confusion in society about the total strength of the
Shudra population in a particular region. Many a times it is found that these
forward castes use the same hatred arising out of the chatur-varna system towards other communities of Shudra Varna forgetting
that the same was once used against their ancestors that included Shivaji and as
early as Swami Vivekananda. It is also interesting to note that when some of
these forward castes opposed their classification under Shudra category and
wanted to be recorded as ‘Upper Castes’ in British India, now many of them are
demanding an OBC status from Govt. of India and some of them have got too. It clearly
reflects the churning in Hindu society in which both ‘caste system and false
pride associated with it’ are losing its importance against the economic
benefits associated with OBC status. Also the trend clearly supports the view
of many social-reformers who from time to time have advocated for educational
and economic soundness of women and Shudras to counter the challenges inherited
from the past by the Indian society.
********************************************************************************************************************
********************************************************************************************************************
References:
[1] Jaffrelot,
C. (2003). India’s Silent Revolution: The Rise of the Lower Castes in
North-India, pp. 67-81, UK: C. Hurst & Co.
[2] Ghurye,
G. S. (1969). Caste and Race in India (5th Ed.). p. 393. Mumbai:
Popular Prakashan.
[3] Jenkins,
R. (2004). Regional Reflections: Comparing Politics Across India’s states, p.
115. India: Oxford University Press.
[4] Vora,
R. & Agnihotri, V. K. (2005). Socio-economic Profile of Rural India:
North-central and Western India, p. 344. New Delhi: Concept
[5] Jaffrelot,
C. (2005). Dr. Ambedkar and Untouchability: Analysing and Fighting Caste, p.9.
UK: C. Hurst & Co.
[6] Singh,
K. S. (2004). People of India: Maharashtra, p. XL. Part I. Vol 30. Mumbai:
Popular Prakashan.
[7] Ghurye,
G. S. (1969). Caste and Race in India, p. 8. (5th Ed.). Mumbai: Popular
Prakashan.
[8] Ghosh,
G. K. & Ghosh, S. (1997). Dalit Women, p. 6. New Delhi: A.P.H.
[9] Sharma,
R. S. (2001). Early Medieval Indian Society: A Study in Feudalisation, pp.
194-196. (3rd Ed.). Hyderabad: Orient Longman.
********************************************************************************************************************
********************************************************************************************************************
Index Chapter 1 Chapter 2 Chapter 3 Chapter 4 Chapter 5 Chapter 6 Chapter 7 Chapter 8 Chapter 9 Chapter 10
Give your feedback at gana.santhagara@gmail.com
If you think, this site has contributed or enriched you in terms of information or knowledge or anything, kindly donate to TATA MEMORIAL HOSPITAL online at https://tmc.gov.in/
and give back to society. This appeal has been made in personal
capacity and TATA MEMORIAL HOSPITAL is not responsible in any way.
********************************************************************************************************************
********************************************************************************************************************